The Collapse of the Northeastern Military Administration

President Liao Chengzhi had been mostly indisposed as forces of the National Revolutionary Army loyal to Peking put down the Hochow rebellion. The military district directly adjacent to Hebei and the other civilian provinces of the Blueshirts, the Northeastern Military Administration, was discovered to have faked reports of production during another shortage in the district. The structure of the military district was quickly determined by political affiliation, and its creation had been in many ways a political one originally. Peking, and the Blueshirts that ruled from it, had long seen Northeastern China as the biggest blight on China's history and future both. More than that, it also housed the largest threats to Peking's own safety. The establishment of the Northeastern Military Administration would serve its purpose by being a buffer between Peking and Northeastern China, and evidence of Peking's continual determination to regain control of the provinces.

Furthermore, the military district would allow many more outspoken dissidents of the Blueshirts cover to conduct their activities and share their opinions. While the top brass would always be very directly connected to the Blueshirts, most of these positions being appointed by Peking directly or indirectly, there was little ability by those appointees to enforce ideological uniformity within their own soldiers. The threats that existed in Northeastern China along with the disastrous memories of the first Manchurian War would inevitably cause Peking to enlargen the forces of the military district. This was often a way for a politician to gain political goodwill, and to satiate the generals who would come to lead the Northeastern Military Administration. However, this would put more and more strain on the output of the military district itself, especially as support from Peking economically was incredibly rare due to its high political cost domestically. The martial law that existed throughout the military district proved especially useful in that regard as the generals leading the district would over time rip away most of the legal hindrances in the way for monopolies and other distasteful organizations to exploit the resources and labor of the military district. This structure is what would eventually collapse during the latter stages of the Hochow uprising, leaving a political crisis for Peking.

A War Begins

As National Revolutionary Army units were demobilized and re-organized in the aftermath of the reconstruction of Tsingkan, war would find itself return in Northeastern China. The Northeastern Military Administration had collapsed, and Peking had also re-affirmed the existence of the Chinese United Front with a resurgent People's Liberation Army General. The shifting policy had removed much of Peking's ability in the region to initiate, but the Blueshirts claimed it would secure China's interests in the region and protect Peking all the same. This would be quickly put to the test as clashes between the Manchurian Horde and others, especially states of the Soviet Union, continued to escalate in the region. A Russian Tsar, previously unknown to authorities in Peking, also claimed interest in the war against the Soviets of whom Peking was close to. Peking reached out to multiple actors seeking information to determine its own responsibilities in the region.

The Republic of China shared discussions with the Soviets and the Empire, in which China would re-affirm their agreement with the Soviet government in Mongolia in Tsingkan and send monetary aid to the Soviet government in the Far East. China would also assure the Tsar that China's antagonism with many the Russians would claim are allies is due to their status within Northeastern China. These discussions would secure China's neutrality in the conflict in terms of armed intervention and secure the goals of the Republic of China in the Northeast.

Premier Wei-Kuo had also passed away in the province of Kiangsi and left its future in question once more. Peking informants were confident that Kiangsi was much less of a powderkeg than Tsingkan, and Blueshirt money would flow in large amounts towards the Guilds in this aim. This would grease the gears of friendship and cooperation between the KMT in Peking and the Five Harmonious Guilds, a relationship otherwise marked by tepidness and caution. This would lead to confirmations in Peking of Kiangsi preparations to coincide with federal activities in Northeastern China. President Liao Chengzhi would make frequent visits to the province, attending meetings with the power brokers of the province and influencing the Kiangsi elections. The President would make promises to those remaining in Wei-kuo's closest circle of a proclamation soon to come, one that would include Kiangsi's primary interest at the time.

The War of National Reclamation

Peking's re-establishment of Ma Ming-chün in Tsingkan had kept the region relatively stable, and cooperation with the Soviets allowed for a quick resolution to a long-term threat to Tsingkan. The National Revolutionary Army had seen victory and its provinces had secured promises from Peking for the future.

Peking had announced a large military buildup and the full-time maintenance of its prototype landship fleet. A renewed media build up of the resolution to the Northeastern Problem was created, and the absorption of the remnants of the collapse of the Northeastern Military Administration had strengthened Peking's own forces and influenced its policy making.

The War of National Reclamation would eventually be called by a national press release by President Liao Chengzhi. It would be declared against "monarchists and reactionaries" in China that had long threatened the Chinese state and culture. Just as the Chinese United Front had once thrown back the Japanese invasion, the United Front would once again defeat the foreign invaders and their monarchist lackeys. This would be throughout all of China, not just the Northeast, and would secure the Republic in all ways. All the provincial governments would cooperate on this national effort and secure China's future.