Original article by Constantin von Hoffmeister

In the modern world, the White man stands alone, a solitary figure adrift in a sea of disconnected souls. We have come to label this condition as “individualism,” a term that flatters itself with the illusion of choice. But let us strip away the veneer and call it by its true name: loneliness chosen under the guise of freedom. Nietzsche himself foresaw this condition when he declared, “The higher we soar, the smaller we appear to those who cannot fly.” This “soaring” of the individual, far from being a mark of elevation, has become a descent into isolation, where the heights reached are but the depths of despair. The supposed “freedom” that modern man clings to is, in reality, a chain of his own making, a chain that binds him to nothingness.

Yet, let us reflect: was there ever a time when the individual stood apart from the collective in the way he does today? In traditional societies, the individualist was an outcast, a pariah. These were men and women whom the community, for one reason or another, had rejected. They were not celebrated for their independence but shunned for their deviation from the norm. Nietzsche speaks to this when he says, “He who fights with monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if you gaze long enough into an abyss, the abyss will gaze back into you.” The modern individualist, in his fight to assert his autonomy, has become the very monster he sought to avoid — an outcast in a world of outcasts. What does this say about our “modern society”? It is nothing less than a society of the abyss, where each soul, severed from the collective, stares into the void of its own making.

The industrial era marked a turning point, for it was then that outcast status became something to be desired, even encouraged. The modern State, with its insatiable appetite for control, sought to obliterate the bonds of community. The goal was a homogeneous mass, easily manipulated and wholly dependent on the State and its elites. Thus dawned the “era of the crowd,” an age where people gathered in vast numbers yet remained profoundly unconnected, a paradox of the highest order. Nietzsche warned of this when he wrote, “The state is the coldest of all cold monsters. Coldly it lies; and this lie creeps from its mouth: ‘I, the state, am the people.’” In its quest for power, the State has turned the people into a faceless crowd, where individuality is crushed not by the collective but by the very system that claims to serve it.

We now find ourselves in what is often called the “post-industrial” age. This term does not suggest that the conveyor belts have ceased their rotations; rather, it signals a shift in what is valued. The labor of unskilled hands, once the engine of progress, is now obsolete. Obedience, the suppression of individual thought, the abandonment of traditional values — these no longer serve as the currency of success. The masses, uprooted and willing to toil for a pittance, are no longer needed. Machines have taken their place, or the work itself has vanished, deemed unnecessary in a world that has moved beyond such needs. Nietzsche would see this as the fulfillment of his prophecy: “Man is a rope, tied between beast and overman — a rope over an abyss.” The industrial man, having lost his footing, now dangles over the abyss, no longer necessary, no longer relevant in a world that no longer values his existence.

What, then, is to become of the industrial man? He is no longer required, his consciousness a relic of a bygone age. In his stead, communities — some of them utterly savage — are on the rise. The basic skills of mutual assistance, once taken for granted, have now become rare and precious. It is these savage communities, once dominated and humiliated by the ancestors of modern Europeans, that now hold the advantage. Their strength lies in their cohesion, in their ability to act in unison, a power that the isolated individual cannot hope to match. Nietzsche’s notion of the “will to power” finds a new expression here, for it is not in the individual but in the collective will that true strength is found. As Nietzsche said, “What is good? — All that heightens the feeling of power, the will to power, power itself in man.”

At this juncture, we must consider the insights of Julius Evola, who introduced the concept of the “spiritual race.” Evola argued that race is not merely a biological phenomenon but a spiritual one, where the true essence of a people lies in its adherence to higher principles and its ability to connect with transcendental values. The spiritual race is one that maintains its integrity not through blood alone but through the cultivation of a higher state of being. In the context of modern society, where the physical and spiritual roots have been severed, it is the loss of this spiritual race that has rendered the White man powerless. Evola would argue that the resurgence of community is not just a return to old forms but a reawakening of the spiritual race — a return to the aristocracy of the soul.

The State, which once prided itself on turning its population into a pliable mass, now finds itself at a crossroads. The population, having lost its communal instincts, is abandoned to its fate. Yet, ironically, the State finds it easier to deal with cohesive communities than with the disjointed rabble it has created. The latter might pose a threat and the former demands negotiation, and with negotiation comes power. It is easier for the State to deal with cohesive communities because such communities typically share common values, norms, and goals, which can lead to more predictable behavior and easier communication. Cohesive communities are likely to have established internal structures and leadership that the State can engage with directly, making it simpler to implement policies, manage resources, and maintain order. Additionally, social cohesion within these communities reduces the likelihood of internal conflict, making them more stable and easier to govern.

Nietzsche’s warning echoes here: “One must still have chaos in oneself to be able to give birth to a dancing star.” The chaos of modernity has birthed new kinds of communities, which, through their very cohesion, force the State to recognize their power. These communities, though smaller in number, wield far more influence than the numerical majority that populates the nations of the modern West.

But the story does not end here, for the White man, though weakened, does not wish to die. The boldness of the savage, who has come to believe in his invincibility, stirs something deep within the White man — a memory of who he once was. The skills of solidarity, forgotten but not lost, begin to reemerge. They do so on a new plane, one that may yet surpass the communal strength of old. Should the White man resolve to cast off the chains of “individualism” — that is, the chains of powerlessness before any organized force — he may well succeed in reclaiming his former glory. As Nietzsche wrote, “He who has a why to live can bear almost any how.” The White man, once he rediscovers his “why,” will find the strength to bear the “how” of his resurgence. As Thulsa Doom once intoned, “What is steel compared to the hand that wields it?” The White man, in rediscovering his purpose, will reclaim the strength to wield his destiny with the power of conviction.

What will these new European communities look like? They will not be bound by blood or family but by ideology, by a shared vision that transcends mere kinship. They will resemble the medieval orders, but their foundations will be secular, their goals worldly. These new orders will embrace the latest in financial technology, communication, and surveillance. They will ensure that their members are well-educated and provided with the “starting conditions” necessary to conquer in this new world. They will be the vanguard of a new era, one in which the White race, having reclaimed its lost solidarity, will once again assert its place at the pinnacle of human achievement. As Nietzsche proclaimed, “The overman shall be the meaning of the earth. Let your will say: the overman shall be the meaning of the earth!”

So, they will not endure the insolence of migrants who, like weeds in a tended garden, threaten to choke the roots that nourish them. Just as a careful gardener must sometimes prune the invasive growth to preserve the life of the whole, so too must a society protect itself from those who, despite being offered shelter and sustenance, seek to disrupt the harmony and well-being of the community.

Consider the story of the Roman Empire and its dealings with the Visigoths. Initially welcomed as refugees fleeing the Huns, the Visigoths were granted asylum within Roman borders. However, mistreatment and corruption by Roman officials led to unrest among the Visigoths, who soon turned against their hosts. This culminated in the sack of Rome in 410 AD, where the same people who had been offered refuge became the Empire’s destroyers. The Romans, having underestimated the consequences of their generosity, paid dearly for allowing those they had welcomed to rise against them.

This vision, of course, resonates with Nietzsche’s thoughts on the potential for greatness within the White race, a potential that has been squandered by the forces of modernity that now threaten its extinction. Nietzsche understood that the individual, when severed from his community, becomes weak, a mere pawn in the hands of those who would see him subjugated. Yet he also recognized that within the White race lies a will to power, a drive to overcome, that, if rekindled, could restore the strength of the race and elevate it to heights yet unimagined. The new communities, if they are to succeed, must tap into this will and forge a new path that rejects the false promises of modernity and embraces the ancient truths that once made the White race great. Only then can the race hope to survive, and not just survive but triumph in a world that has forgotten its true nature. As Nietzsche exhorted, “We, however, want to become who we are — human beings who are new, unique, incomparable, who give themselves laws, who create themselves!”