Following the constitutional amendments made in November of 2020, President Tebboune desired to legitimise the government in the eyes of the Hirak movement and so dissolved the National Assembly, calling for elections in June. Unfortunately for the ruling coalition, the constitutional amendments did little to satisfy protestors’ demands, claiming it fell far short of the changes they demanded. This has led to continued calls for boycotts from the Hirak movement, meaning the election will suffer the same depressed turnouts as previous attempts, robbing the winning coalition of the legitimacy they desperately claim.

Unable to produce tangible economic recovery or growth after the coronavirus pandemic and unwilling to divorce itself of the military-elite structure that Algerian’s believe make the real decisions in their country, the National Liberation Front is expected to continue hemorrhaging seats. Although it still holds claim to being responsible for the liberation of the country from French rule, its lackluster economic performance and resistance to popular demands for change has dulled its national prestige. The FLN’s coalition partner, National Rally for Democracy, is expected to suffer a similar fate, the price for tethering oneself to the elite structure. However, while the governing parties are expected to lose support, the new independent lists that feature academics, civil societies and activists claiming to represent the interests of the Hirak movement aren’t necessarily making massive gains either. The movement’s commitment to boycotting the election means that the popular desire for change is not translating to polling results. This, compounded with the fact that many of these ‘independent’ candidates have thinly veiled connections to the ruling elite, will prevent many of the ‘Hirak’ parties from gaining any ground this election. Furthermore, the boycotting of the election by the Socialist Forces Front, Algerian Workers Party and Rally for Culture and Democracy leaves 34 seats with their incumbents not contesting. The only parties expected to make good gains are the moderate islamist parties, with the Movement for the Society of Peace (MSP) leading the charge. Their focus on free-market reforms and tackling growing unemployment rather than their social policies has helped relieve fears that electing a non-secular party will bring about another Civil War. The Algerian Civil War, sparked by a military takeover of the government after the Islamic Renaissance Movement won power, claimed 200,000 lives and left lingering trauma in Algerian politics.

Algerian politics are in a strange and tense moment. The protest movement demands a complete overhaul of the system, but the still present trauma of the civil war paralyses them, making them unable to take the final step of revolution to enforce their demands. Instead, they will continue to boycott the vote until sufficient democratic institutions exist to make their vote count. While this delegitimises the current government, it will continue to win power as the majority of its opposition refuses to participate.

Although turnout remained embarrassingly low, the results have been a massive win for Islamic parties, as they snatch seats from the ruling parties. The FLN has lost a disastrous 40 seats, a clear rejection of their minimal political reforms and attempts to silence activists. In order to form a government, the National Liberation Front and National Rally for Democracy have had to invite the Movement for Society and Peace into their coalition, as well as appoint their MPs to numerous cabinet positions. The inclusion of MSP, the Algerian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, is a huge victory for Islamic politics in the country and for the wider Muslim Brotherhood movement.