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Belgrade, 1951
While the world watches in shock at the events developing on our border, the situation in the capital could not be further from chaotic. Sporadic protests in support of the DSE are frequent, local politicians are quick to remind citizens of their patriotic duties for socialist solidarity, and street callers have made a return to ensure that as many people in the capital as possible know the events of the war (newspapers are simply not being printed fast enough to inform everyone who wants to know). Local organizations have set up fundraising efforts and petitions to the government to increase aid to the Greeks are not uncommon. While this sentiment gradually fades as one leaves urban centers, where Yugoslavs have to fare with far harsher living conditions and would prefer the government aid them, it is clear that there is a general air of excitement in the Yugoslav population. Veterans organizations have been working with Greek refugees who have arrived in the capital and exchanged stories with them about the horrors of war and the glories of revolution. Two refugee camps have been established, at Tašmajdan and Kalemegdan, and photos of Josip Broz Tito and Nikos Zachariadis are triumphantly hung all around. Local university students have taken to organizing the refugee children as the Anti-Fascist Youth of Greece in Yugoslavia, and language exchange programs have facilitated even greater brotherly construction. Special care has been given to those refugees who fled not for ideological reasons but purely to escape violence, who often had low opinions of the Yugoslav system prior to their arrival. At Kalemegdan, sporting events have been organized and cultural exchanges are frequent.
Skopje, 1951
The situation in Skopje is not as pleasant as that in Belgrade. The JNA is in the city en masse, assisting in reconstruction and general faculties. Columns of refugees pour through daily, and many are given work in rebuilding the city from the war – at times even building their own accommodations. The JNA have deployed increased air defenses in Skopje, and several other cities in Macedonia, while JNA training across Macedonia takes place. Much food has been diverted to the region and distributed in one of the largest efforts of the post-war period in our country. Over the last year, the youth brigades and Greek refugees have helped build freeway from Belgrade to Macedonia that is paved in segments (approx. 35%), with many driving and mechanic clubs developing along the route to deal with the frequent maintenance issued that the unpaved segments pose. Propaganda among the people in Macedonia is at a height, with regular hailing of the victorious Greeks and Greek heroes. Nikos Zachariadis and Markos Vafiadis have become household names for many Macedonians, and indeed, the war itself has proved fundamental for their national consciousness. Macedonianism is on the rise across the SR, with the KKE’s recognition of a Macedonian ethnicity dealing a blow to the Greater Bulgarian chauvinism that attempted to sway Macedonians during the occupation. With such a large number of Macedonians identifying with their Greek brothers, there have been huge volunteer drives, that many local JNA offices are struggling to support it. Yugoslav defenses on the Greek border have been bolstered, and civilians from the border area have been evacuated. Evacuation and sheltering plans have been distributed to Skopje’s residents and arms have been distributed to many veterans in the Republic. While Belgrade watches with bated excitement, Macedonian resembles partisan liberated territory during the war more than post-war Europe.
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