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The Iranian governmental budget increased a significant amount when they re-negotiated the oil concessions with the AIOC which lead to a 13 million pound increase for Iran per annum. This lead the Majlis with the Shah to allocate the increased resources into the existing budget to better improve the nation as firebrands like Mohammad Mossadegh and others were forced to accept the new status quo due to at least a partial-nationalization.
At first, a million was set aside for "personal expenses" which translated to income for the royal Pahlavi family, to be spent by Reza Shah and others for travel, gifts, clothing, and other expenditures. Another 2 million would be spent to help afford the ambitious educational infrastructure reforms that the Majlis had attempted to implement at the end of World War Two. Another two million would be set aside for "grants, upkeep, and maintenance" which would come out to primarily be spent on either purchasing military equipment, specific projects the Shah or other government officials find pertinent to fund year-by-year, and the general upkeep of facilities and infrastructure.
With a remaining 8 million pounds left to spend, this would go to more standard expenditures. A whopping four million would be spent back in to develop the ever-growing petroleum industry in Iran, which would see it mostly spent on the new Iranian Petroleum Company that was established in the re-written concessions to allow for a proper, nationally owned company to handle Iran's natural endowment. It would also provide stable income for those who were employed by the company, to help reduce corruption and foul intrigue. One million would be spent on developing the agriculture of Iran, an often overlooked market that Iran's growing population is dependent on in the hopes of feeding its people. The final three million would go directly to the military, but this was a front for the creation of a new department, سازمان اطلاعات و امنیت کشور, or SAVAK. This department would handle intelligence matters outside of the military secret police as the Shah, but more importantly his advisors and ministers, saw it's importance in the destruction of the Azeri and Kurdish insurgencies and the killing of a prominent Iranian general by rogue elements and an attempt on the Shah's life by Azeri radicals. A recent slew of assassinations by the Pink Rose society, a clandestine group with connections to the Pink Rose party, as well as the ever-existing violence the Fada'iyan-e Islam commits against their political enemies has not helped the stability of the realm either. Such a large amount of income relative to Iran's total income and the Shah's already existent network of political allies is aimed to create a powerful and influential spy network.
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