죽이 되든되든 밥이밥이 되든되

Whether it becomes porridge or rice.

Meeting Room 3, Chung-guyok, Pyongyang, February 2nd, 1952

Planning for the invasion of the South had been vastly detailed in certain respects. The formation of the Korean People’s Army was one such example - taking brilliant and useful advice from overseas counterparts, the military minds of Korea had created a vast, effective force that was able to sweep its counterpart in the south from Seoul in only two weeks. Yet, in other respects, almost no detailed planning had been put into it - the economy being the primary example.

The economic history of Korea from 1946 to 1951 had been one of growth, of new strides towards self-sufficiency and achievement from domestic sources. This had manifested in many ways: confiscation of Japanese-owned factories and the redistribution of land with the Socialist system had been an outstanding success, providing the bedrock of the North Korean economy. The Four Products campaign had been overwhelmingly successful (even if the fourth product, the Type 47 Cargo Ship, had failed to launch before the war, and was unlikely to until several years after due to devastation in Wonsan), creating the first strides towards domestic heavy machinery production. The Five Products campaign that succeeded it had seen comparatively marginal success - Dongpyeong Arsenal had been usefully expanded, and the propaganda film The Sun Shines in Korea became the most-watched film in Korean history. However, the Jinsil radio receiver had not materialized, and the Amnok River Bridge span had been only hastily constructed and would have to be rebuilt after the war into a more permanent structure.

As the planning for the war had make the cardinal mistake of planning for a short war, the economic situation of Korea looked dire. Constant Coalition air attacks had the effect of devastating Korean cities and civilian populations. Hundreds of thousands had been made homeless by the work of the Silver Devil (the DPRK nickname for the B-29), many factories had been wrecked or outright flattened and trade with the outside world, except for the USSR and the PRC had ceased due to the Coalition blockade.

For the Chairman of the State Planning Commission, Pak Chang-ok, it was nothing less than a nightmare. The ideals of central planning were broadly applicable, accurate, useful - yet it seemed almost impossible to even get economic information on trade within the state at this point. He had come, over the last few months, to realize hat all that could be done was keep a semblance of economic activity happening in the north, and bide time until the American bombers were cleared permanently from the skies.

“Thus, the State Planning Commission will propose the following measures to formalize the War Economy,” he was saying in his husky, cigarette-cracked voice. Kim Il-Sung looked on listlessly, impatiently squirming in his chair. For all his merit as a leader, he had very little patience for economic minutiae - and the ever-present threats against his life only caused him additional discomfort.

“First - formalization of the ‘one-man management system’ (지배인 단독 책임제), which allows direct control of all economic facets in all areas of the country, including those newly liberated. This will prevent economic waste and increase the central control of the economy, with many happy benefits besides,” Pak Chang-ok continued.

“Placing additional trust in our dear leader,” Yi Chu-yon, the rotund Commerce Minister chimed in. He nodded approvingly towards Kim. The Yan’anists looked down their noses at this blatant political pandering, a tactic the Soviet Korean faction had adopted intensely through these months of war.

“Second - the expansion of Operation Iju to Nampo and Hamhung, to improve the preparations of Operation Geobuk in the south.”

At this, a sudden storm of whispers erupted. Kim Become-the-Sun looked around to see Ho Ka-i, the Vice Premier of the Cabinet, in an quiet, intense argument with Kim Chaek, another Vice Premier and a military attache. They looked up to see the entire room staring at them. Ho gave a nonchalant motion to Kim, who stood abruptly.

“By order of General Kim Kwang-hyop, it would be impossible to expand Operation Iju in this manner!” Kim Chaek said in a shrill, panicked voice - unsure if he was even allowed to speak at this juncture. He made a little jerk of his head and sat down.

Pak Chang-ok looked bemused. The engulfing silence was only broken when Pak Il-u, the Interior Minister and top Yan’anist, spread his arms open and said: “And why would that be so, Kim Chaek?”

Pak motioned to Kim Il-Sung, who reciprocated the look of interest at Kim Chaek.

“Due to - security considerations. Defense of the coastline. It is necessary to maintain militia units in those places,” Kim Chaek said.

“Security? It is clearly-” Pak began, but Kim Il-Sung held up his hand.

“Kim Chaek, do you mean to say the Americans will land at Nampo?”

After another silence, with Kim Chaek staring at his hands, Choe Yong-gon, the Minister of Defense, came to his rescue: “It is very possible. They have a large navy, which we are unable to counter.”

“Why do the Soviets not counter it?” Pak Il-u suddenly snapped. There was another commotion. Ho Ka-i, Yi Chu-yon and the other Soviet Koreans stared at the insolent offender.

“They will not risk their fleet for us,” Pak continued, seemingly unperturbed, “but they will use our army as they well please?” The volume in the room grew louder. Ho Ka-i stood as if he were about to jump across the table to clobber Pak Il-u, who remained seated, his arms crossed.

“Ministers!” Pak Chang-ok shouted. “Ministers, we are here to save our country. No country can survive without its economy.”

Kim Il-Sung rose his hand, and the room fell into a hushed silence. After a few moments, he said: “The security situation cannot be compromised. Operation Iju must remain in Wonsan.”

Pak Chang-ok nodded obsequiously, and the rest of the cabinet, as chastised schoolboys, fell into line.

“What other measures shall we undertake, Pak Chang-ok?” asked Kim Il-Sung.

“The third measure is the Act to Prevent Migration to the Enemy Stronghold. This is to prevent workers from traveling to the south and into the enemy’s camp.”

This was an act that everyone in the room supported, as the exodus from north to south had been great when the war had started - it had dimmed somewhat due to the constant American bombing and the fluid nature of the frontlines, but it remained an issue.

“As you all remember, this act will create internal travel visas that prevent individuals from traveling outside of their area of residence without approval from a state authority. It causes going over to the enemy to be a crime, restricts civilian travel during wartime, and rewards worker attendance to improve internal morale. As our commerce minister, Yi Chu-yon has suggested, workers from destroyed factories not part of Operation Iju can be put to work improving roads in their area, reconstructing bridges, improving local agriculture, planting gardens, restoring and preserving scenic sites, and other measures to improve civilian morale.”

“It will be done,” Kim Il-Sung said. Pak Il-u glowered down the table.

To be continued…