14TH MAJLIS 1943-1947

• People’s Party (Sadegh Tabatabaei) - 30
• National Will Party (Ziaeddin Tabatabaei) - 26
• Liberals (Mohammed V. M. Farmanfarma) - 20
• Justice Party (Ali Dashti) - 15
• Tribal Democrats (Mehdi Farrokh) - 11
• Tudeh (Reza Radmanesh) - 8
• Northern Independents - 8
• Iran Party (Allah-Yar Saleh) - 5
• Comrades Party (Mostafa Fateh) - 2
• Mosaddegh - 1
• Barred candidates - 10

Incumbent Government

• Coalition: People's Party, National Will Party, Justice Party
• Prime Minister: Ebrahim Hakimi (Ind.)

Campaigns and influences

• On account of Tuda-Nafti theories taking hold among leftist circles, Chairman Mostafa Fateh of the Comrades Party has been falling out of favour within his party and becoming a liability to the Party's tightening alliance to Mohammad Mosaddegh, who has turned up his anti-AIOC rhetoric. In early 1947, Fateh was ousted from party leadership and replaced with Abbas Naraqi, a member of the notorious Communist Fifty-Three who was known as the 'young and misguided' one.
• Abbas Naraqi, the new chairman of the Comrades Party, aligns his official rhetoric with that of Mohammad Mosaddegh, promoting neutralism, and nationalistic leftism - promoting nationalization of Iran's wealth and bringing to power technocratic intelligentsia.
• In the shadow of the Azerbaijan Crisis and its rumoured judicial aftermath (investigations into Liberal and Communist delegates), Taghi Fadakar, the single most popular delegate in the 14th Majlis by a massive margin, quits the Tudeh Party to pursue a new path as an independent labour leader. He joins Mosaddegh in some campaign events.
• A new initiative begins to take form in parliamentary politics. The United Front of Progressive Parties. Spearheaded by populists like Mohammed Mosaddegh, Abbas Naraqi and Taghi Fadakar, UFPP is an aspiring alliance between Northern Independents, Iran Party, Comrades Party and labour unions, to form an alliance of intelligentsia and the working class against royalists and the right in a quest for economic justice and legal egality.
• The People's Party and PM Hakimi himself do a good part of their campaigning through the soothing and appeasing of the clerical factions, which helps in taking their message to the conservative corners of Iran. In doing so, they undercut the National Will Party in a few of their weaker seats.
• Faint messages of opposition to the People's Party's clerical allies arise within the military, where far-right hard royalists like Army Chief of Staff General Hasan Arfa, leader of the Aria Party, hold many of the highest positions. It seems they contain themselves to merely messages of warning during this campaign season. The far-right vote share is not expected to rise by a significant amount, given the lack of voting rights for active-duty personnel.
• General Arfa and the Aria Party don't remain without opposition, as Habib-Allah Nowbakt, founder of the Azure Party, offers a similarly far-right message but bases it upon divine law. Unofficially this message is amplified among the religious youth by Ayatollah Kashani and his faithful, the Fedayan-e Islam.
• The National Will Party encounters a challenge in their mostly southern Iran based seats. The People's Party targets the same conservative voters and manages to court the clergy in the process, acquiring dominance in regions where NWP hadn't held a majority. Internally, given a lack of good rallying cries for the NWP, the party's descent is blamed on its chairman Ziaeddin Tabatabaei, known to be a decent opposition politician but a sub-par leader. Meanwhile in oil-producing regions, the NWP has experienced a strong decline in popularity as Iran Party has ramped up their anti-British rhetoric in the area. Iran Party gathers massive crowds in Khuzestan in particular, where the appointment of a pro-British industrialist as economic minister didn't go down well.
• Liberals, whose strongholds lay in ethnic minority regions like the North-West, expect to mostly sustain their previous strength. Concerns arise ahead of the election however, as the Justice Party controlled Interior Ministry orders investigations into some of the Liberal delegates, most prominent among them the party leader Mohammed Farmanfarma and the former Prime Minister Ahmad Qavam. Their urban seats come under intense attack by the Comrades Party.
• Tudeh Party loses their most reliable vote magnet Taghi Fadakar. They also come under scrutiny after investigations are launched into all their eight active delegates. Rumours circulate about Tudeh delegates being barred from office on account of foreign connections. The Comrades Party takes aim at their bases as well, advertising themselves as the neutralist alternative.
• Running on populist messages and promises of swift change, the UFPP manages to garner support in various districts that previously voted for a candidate that ended up barred from assuming office.

15TH MAJLIS

• People’s Party (Sadegh Tabatabaei) - 35 ( 5)
• Justice Party (Ali Dashti) - 17 ( 2)
• Iran Party (Allah-Yar Saleh) - 16 ( 11)
• National Will Party (Ziaeddin Tabatabaei) - 16 (-10)
• Tribal Democrats (Mehdi Farrokh) - 15 ( 4)
• Comrades Party (Abbas Naraqi) - 12 ( 10)
• Liberals (Mohammed V. M. Farmanfarma) - 11 (-9)
• Northern Independents - 6 (-2)
• Tudeh (Reza Radmanesh) - 2 (-6)
• Fadakar - 1 ( 1)
• Mosaddegh - 1 (=)
• Barred candidates - 4 (-6)

Incoming Government

• Ebrahim Hakimi has proposed to form a government by including his current coalition partners, forming a narrow majority of 68 out of 132 active delegates.

Caucuses

• The new parliament is a degree less divided than the previous. Consolidation of conservative versus progressive votes as well as of delegates has led to the formation of two domineering blocs - the 52 National Unionists consisting of the People's Party and Justice Party, and the 36-strong Progressive Front consisting of Mosaddegh, Fadakar, the Iran Party, the Comrades Party and the northern independent delegates. Beside them, the patchwork of Liberal, Patriot, Democrat and Communist caucuses remains in place with altered numbers.