Barcelona, 1946, at an emergency meeting of the Worker's Front of Spain concerning the downfall of every other socialist state in Europe.

"...And that is why it is imperative we take up a line of more moderate social democracy to survive in these times. We do not have France, Britain, and Italy to back us anymore-- those who escaped the imperial crushing of their nations are in this room, here. It will still be Socialism, but with Spanish characteristics. Surely, you all see the wisdom, here?"

Joseph "Stalin" Dzhugashvili, survivor of the collapse of the Bolsheviks, of the collapse of the CoF, and now, present at what could be the end of the Worker's Front, sat silent as the speaker sat down. He looked towards Díaz, who lightly shook his head.

"If it is okay, the Chairman of the Revolution would like to make a few remarks."

Díaz stands up behind the podium.

"You all fought with me in the Civil War-- everyone in this room was here during those times. We fought for what we believed in: Socialism, whether we believed it should be through Orthodox Syndicalism, Totalism, or Marxist-Leninist Socialism. And yet, so many of you here are suddenly so eager to preserve the semi-feudal society of the now? To preserve the neo-feudalistic system of Capitalism?"

"For shame, all of you. We are Socialists, not Social-Reactionaries."

"You think that the future will be a Spain of bourgeois parliamentarianism? No! Spain will be a land without rich and poor! Without class contradiction! Without that virus, all-pervasive capitalism! Without imperialism! Spain will show the monarchies and bourgeois republics of the world what it means to be free! There have been those abroad already who have said “Spain will moderate, become merely become social-democratic”. We have no use for social reaction in Spain! Just as we cast out the reactionary monarchy, the Worker’s Front puts out the call to cast off reformism, revisionism, for while you may be more comfortable than you were before, you are still a peasant! You are still a miner! You are still a worker! You are still at the whims of an overclass who you are expected to love even though they do not love you! We have no love for the rich who suck our blood like vampires! We have love only for each other, as comrades!”

"It would have been better for us all to kill ourselves during the fight for La Coruña than to give up what we have fought for now! We are not dead men! We are alive, every one of us, and the spark of our revolution will not be snuffed!"

Díaz stands before a silent audience.

"But comrade Chairman, how do we expect to fight against imperial domination? How will we support the fight for liberation from monarchy and from being a colony of a great power? Can your hard line do that?"

Díaz smiles. "I think you will find that we can. All reactionaries are but paper tigers. It is the support of the vanguard by the Workers and Peasants which makes us strong. Do not turn your back on them."

Rafael and his wife, Gabriela, page through a little red book which was recently sent to them by Gennaro and Savannah.

"Only three years of struggle, huh?" says Rafael, briefly looking up from the book to look out across the fields of the collective farm.

"It felt longer, didn't it?"

"Only when we were apart~"

"Oh, you flirt!" Gabriela puts her hand onto Rafael's. "I think this might be his last great achievement, honestly."

"No, I disagree; comrade Díaz has never faltered before."

Tres Años de Lucha was a small, reddish-purple handbook, a collection of the works, quotes, and speeches of José Díaz Ramos. In it were his works on Struggle within the vanguard party, on Criticism and Self-Criticism, on war, on health, on the nature of power ["Political Power comes from the barrel of a gun"], on societal and economic development, on the very nature of Communism ["It is a hammer we will use to smash the enemy!] and, interestingly, a study of the failures of other states and movements in the world.

“The socialists in America were crushed because they did not develop the concept of the People’s War! They attempted to fight the armies of Federal America as if they themselves were such an army, as well. The socialists of France and Britain were crushed because they sook to fight against an imperial power of greater caliber, allowing their former expropriators to sweep in and return! They did not develop their fleets and air power, and that was, in the end, what killed them; again, attempting to fight as if they were a fellow imperial power. But in Iran, the Agrarians have fought and still fight, because they have developed a sense of protracted guerrilla war! A popular war! Learn from the Agrarian Front of Iran in success and failure! What they lack, what prevents them from the final drive to victory, is their lack of a vanguard! A lack of a central communist party!”

“People’s War to Communism! That will be the cry of those movements who come after us!”

Despite this unbending, defiant will, and continued political gains, compromise with the Republican Front had to continue, lest the nation be plunged into second Civil War.

After the publishing of his book in 1947, which quickly became a staple of socialists in and outside of Spain, Díaz brought himself before a crowd in Madrid.

"Unfortunately--" he began, interrupted by mic feedback. "Unfortunately, we live in a society--"

He was, again, interrupted by cheering and shouts of Viva Pensamiento de José Díaz!.

"I-I'm not done yet. Settle down."

"We live in a society where some people, despite it all, despite 1936, still believe in al capitalismo. Despite the failures. Despite the horrific experiences we have had inflicted upon us. Know this well, all of you: Black Monday will always happen again, whether it takes ten years of a hundred. But, these people still believe, through their indoctrination into liberalism, that no society beyond one which is-- even if only vaguely-- capitalist can exist successfully. These people have been impossible to struggle with, and so it is with a great bitter distaste in my mouth and a swell of bile in my throat, that I announce that the compromise is as thus: Certain areas of Spain, as marked out on this map:" Here, a map is unveiled marking out which areas (Areas which were Republican-held during the Civil War), "Will be designated as "Special Economic Zones", where they will be freed from the inevitably Socialist road of the rest of the country, which we are preparing to take and upon which we have already embarked. However, should they wish it, citizens of these areas will be able to, at any time, call for legally binding referendums in which they can vote to join the rest of us on the caravan to a better world. We are always accepting new comrades."

Despite Díaz's worsening health, due to his cancer, Spain continued to develop economically, militarily, and socially through these years. CETME was established to enable weapons research in 1949. A navy capable of both protecting (and raiding, should it come to it) shipping began to be developed. The Popular Army officially abolished officer's ranks. Tanks were developed, suited for maneuver and ambushes in the mountainous terrain of Spain. Great factories, schools, and hospitals were erected all across the country. Literacy and overall educational rates made leaps and bounds, even among rural populations. Guns quickly became an important part of the culture; anyone can own one, once they prove themselves properly knowledgeable. Pistols, Shotguns, and Bolt-Action rifles are the most commonly allowed weapons. SMG's, LMG's, and Semi-Auto rifles are more commonly reserved for the military, but it is not unheard of for someone to own one. Meanwhile, Socialist Art flourished, spurned on by Picasso's great work of Socialist Cubism, Guernica, depicting and glorifying the now collective lifestyle of the Basque Country. Officially, the Worker's Front prefers Socialist Realism in it's posters, but all art forms are permitted. Literature, too, is found to flourish. But in Republican Spain, these developments are slower, more regulated. It is almost like a split betwixt two different countries.

Within the Worker's Coalition, there were beginning to be cracks-- not between the parties, but within them. Cliques were beginning to form who called for a Capitalist Road, in order to harness unstable market forces as opposed to the planned economy which was being put into practice. José Díaz acknowledges that, in many ways, the revolution has only changed the form of ownership, not the mode of production, and that the Economic Zones, strongholds as they are, could still cause the collapse of the rest of Spain should Black Monday arrive again.

And so, in 1956, Díaz assembled a gang; Largo Caballero of the PSOE, Francisco Franco of the PNS, and Valentín González and Enrique Líster, both of the PCE. They were merely the central members, of course; the whole of the coming movement would be coordinated by all those who had not turned their backs on revisionism. These four core members, however, would come to be known as La Pandilla de Cuatro. And with Díaz, they would make five.

Rallying the now all-pervasive Guardia de Jovenes, along with a now-updated release of Tres Años de Lucha, he made a speech at a mass meeting of the Youth Guard in Zaragoza. Wearing the blue and red uniform now preferred by them, he implored them as such:

“Reaction, Revisionism, and Bourgeois interests have infested Spain for too long. Since 1936 I have spoken of the Cultural Revolution which would be needed to advance us from our Culturally Semi-Feudal state into an advanced, class conscious society. This is not a job for the army, or for the paramilitants; it is for the students and young workers and peasants. You have already questioned, criticized, and decried your teachers, your political and community leaders, and you have done well, but now you must go further; some criticisms do not require change in action, but full and absolute removal from position of authority.”

“If you have doubts as to whether you can do this, whether you are strong enough, always know: It Is Right To Rebel.”

And so begun the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Membership of the Youth Guard, influenced by revolutionary agitation, the release of the updated edition, and the outpouring of posters from both the Worker's Front and from the Youth Guards, skyrocketed, also bringing up membership in the International Aid brigades and the Corps of People's Engineers (as well as into Socialist paramilitant groups, but this was not technically encouraged or advertised). All across Spain, whether Worker's Front of Republic, Teachers, Bureaucrats, Clergymen, and other such leaders, previously having been openly and loudly criticized, were now dragged out and publicly held accountable. In many cases, they were forced to retire or resign. Youth Guards occupied barracks, schools, government offices, and even places such as telephone and power offices. They poured into the countryside, both learning and teaching, spreading the Cultural Revolution from the cities into the rural and mountainous areas of Spain. From 1956-1960, they began to become increasingly revolutionary and paramilitant, and in Economic areas, openly called for referendums to begin to reunite with the rest of Spain, often engaging in clashes with the Guardia Civil and with revisionist-aligned Youth Guards.

Meanwhile, within the parties, dismissals and resignations began. High or low, you were now liable to criticism for your revisionist line. Even Chairman Díaz faced great amounts of criticism in this time, which he handled with grace and in his stride. Quickly, the Worker's Front was brought back from the bourgeois-minded turn. Unfortunately, among those purged from office was La Pasionaria, Dolores Ibárurri, for her increasingly apparent conservative social views. She was, however, given a largely dignified dismissal, along with the promise to remember her for her earlier times. She, sensing that she should give up while she was ahead, settled down with her husband, Alfonso, and fell into a less politically fraught life as a writer in Basque Country.

Finally, the Special Economic Zones began to fall. In 1961, Manuel Azaña debated José Díaz concerning the recent events of the past years.

"Look what violence you have brought upon Spain with your "Revolucion Cultural"! The children, Díaz! Think of the childre-"

"Your children, Azaña," interrupted Díaz, "Are all Socialists, too. They are fighting for this same future where we can bury the feudalistic, chauvinist past of our nation once and for all. These aspects will not go without a fight, but that is normal; the Cultural Revolution is class struggle, too, and class struggle will inevitably be violent. The Monarchy in this country did not go without a fight, and neither will Capitalism and Castilian Chauvinism."

"Are you saying you want this to become another Civil War?"

"There will only be a Civil War if you make it that way: for now, it's merely a socialist social movement. Between you and me, I think that none of us want it to be any more than that. I encourage you to accept it."

A hope came for the Social Democrats and Revisionists in early 1965, as Díaz's health began to deteriorate again, and it didn't seem like he would be coming back. But even bedridden for cancer treatment, the Cultural Revolution had moved beyond a need for his constant guidance. The Referendums began to be held in the Special Economic Zones, and soon, they began to enter, for the first time, into the Socialist Fold.

As his condition worsened, into 1966, José Díaz knew that he was not much longer for the world. But, seeing that his work was complete, he was able to take his coming end with easiness.

But he still a few more speeches to make.